Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies

 

SEX AND TEMPERAMENT IN THREE PRIMITIVE SOCIETIES

                                                       Tony

  Review of Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies.

1.      Description of the differences and similarities in gender exhibited in the three tribes discussed in Margaret Mead's book; Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies.

Among the Arapesh, both genders display a complex personality that could be described appropriately as maternal (with its inherent parental attributes) and feminine (with its inherent sexual attributes). This is evidenced by the fact that both male and female members of this particular community were brought up and ingrained with traits that the society deemed acceptable. These traits were cooperativeness, docility and responsiveness to the issues affecting a fellow member (Mead, 2003). The evidence to support the existence and pervasiveness of the above stated traits are outlined below.

The Arapesh people valued peaceful co-existence with each other and especially among relatives as is exemplified by the fact that relatives lived together and shared a common piece of land. Moreover, neighbors who were not related by blood were also able to share a common piece of land with very few land-related disputes arising, and any conflicts that arose were amicably resolved via a consultative meeting which included both genders with no preference given to the opinions of either gender (Mead, 2003). This led Mead to conclude that the Arapesh people were pacifists in nature. However, during times of crisis that did necessitate self-defense, such consultative meetings advised the people to prepare for warfare and also managed the conduct of warfare. The task of child rearing was given high priority and as such both the father and mother contributed to it to the best of their abilities, with the community providing assistance when needed (Mead, 2003). Such an egalitarian upbringing of children enabled the Arapesh people to sustain a harmonious and viable society.

Gender was never a driving force in the workings of the Arapesh community. The basic unit of society was a mild, approachable and caring man married to an equally responsive, mild woman; with both raising their children to cherish these traits. Thus it can be concluded that the members of the Arapesh community had peaceful temperament and abhorred war and incessant conflicts.

On the other end of the spectrum is the Mundugumor community whereby both genders were developed as aggressive, virile, callous, arrogant and positively-sexed persons. Thus, the cherishing attributes of maternal personality was considered as the least important trait for survival in the society (Mead, 2003). The evidence to support the existence and pervasiveness of the above stated traits are outlined below.

The favorite pastime of the Mundugumor community was cannibalism and headhunting with war being viewed as a glorious endeavor. The aggressive nature of the community is illustrated by the fact that early on in life, brothers and sisters never communicated with each other as they were is a state of constant competition for resources, and any existing bond was built upon egocentrism. In fact, childrearing was the exclusive task of the mother with the father never even holding the child once in its lifetime. After childbirth, the child was never provided with any comfort by his/her mother, with the mother viewing the newborn child as an unwanted burden that she must rid herself of when the child starts walking. Babies usually developed violent and aggressive tendencies while still nursing as the mother would often refuse to feed them, and when the opportunity arose when the babies could be breastfeed, they fought each other in order for them to access the breast lest the mother feels vexed and suddenly stops breastfeeding, and thus leave them hungry or underfed.  The child was punished in case he/she cried after injury, and the mother typically laughed off the fears expressed by their children. In these circumstances, a child was trained to think of himself or herself as an individual (competing for the limited resources) early on in life. The womenfolk tended the field and as such they provided for the family. It was not uncommon for the menfolk to seal trade alliances by giving their sons as hostages to the other party. Another fact that points to the incessant conflicts that pervaded the community is the fact that temporary peace pacts were made between families only when its members were marrying each other (Mead, 2003).

The personality cherished in the Mundugumor culture is only comparable to the modern undisciplined and violent male. The basic unit of society was an aggressive, callous and violent man married to an equally aggressive, callous and violent woman; with mothers raising their children to cherish these traits.

From the above stated facts, it is clear that there was no clear demarcation between the sexes that would endear them to contrast comparisons. However, among the Tchambuli, there were clearly defined sex attitudes that makes this community amenable to comparison in terms of gender-defined traits.

Among the Tchambuli, the woman possessed the traits of dominance, impersonality and leadership; while the man possessed the traits of emotional dependence, and was therefore accorded less responsibilities as compared those accorded to the woman (Mead, 2003). The evidence to support the existence and pervasiveness of the above stated traits are outlined below.

The womenfolk supplied the food, and this accorded them powerful position within the community, with the power to make and unmake the existing social orders. From this position of empowerment, the women tended to distribute the available jobs in the community to the community members, while keeping the most prestigious and most profitable (for instance, barter trade) for themselves. This made them dominant and impersonal. However, some aspects of patrilineal culture still existed with regards to marriage whereby the men arranged the marriage (Mead, 2003).

Their family life was a stark contrast to the Mundugumor family life with brother and sisters cherishing each other’s company, and sharing the chores equitably. Fears expressed by children were allayed by the other family members. Political advice was sought from the mother and the sisters. The father looked upon the mother to manage family crises (Mead, 2003). This ensured that the family was a viable entity with the mother as the head of the family.

It is quite clear from the gender attitudes of the three primitive societies described above that the temperamental attitudes that have traditionally been regarded as feminine (for instance, cherishing children, passivity and responsiveness) can equally be established as the masculine traits in a far distant tribe; while in another tribe, they would be forbidden to their womenfolk and menfolk alike.

2.      Using the external approach, explain why these differences and similarities exist?

The Arapesh community lives in Sepik Region of Papua New Guinea. This region has a low population density and favorable climate that promotes agriculture and animal husbandry. The region inhabited by the Arapesh is isolated from the surrounding human settlements, and this has enabled the community to develop a unique and distinct culture largely uninfluenced by the outside world. This explains the why gender is not a driving force since the community has not been exposed to religions and cultures that have clearly defined gender roles. The Arapesh therefore chose a set of values and beliefs that were rational, beneficial and practical to their lifestyle and this favored a non-discriminatory culture that promoted peaceful co-existence within the society. This favored a culture that was maternal (or at least feminine) in outlook.  The rarity of conflicts between the Arapesh and their more hostile neighbors shows that they lived in a relatively isolated part of Sepik or they seldom ventured out of their domains to trade or travel. Their spirit of cooperativeness and egalitarianism is likely to have developed out of the realization that these traits were mutually beneficial and that they do favor social cohesion (Mead, 2003). Moreover, these traits were valued as they optimized productivity within the community. The need to ensure continuity of their way of life, norms and value systems necessitated the Arapesh community members to intensively educate and bring up their children to value their unique culture and uphold and even propagate it to their descendants. Such upbringing required selfless commitment of both parents, and a peaceful environment for learning. This explains why members of the Arapesh community had peaceful temperament.

For the Mundugumor community, the most significant external factors that influenced their culture is competition for limited resources and living among war-like communities who cherished violence, cannibalism, war and headhunting. In such an environment, the young child is the most vulnerable member of the society, and as such, the mothers ensured that their children understood the realities of life while they were still very young. This explains why the mothers intentionally refused to feed their children, made fun of their children’s fear and harshly dealt with any signs of weakness such as crying after injury. The blurring of gender lines in this community is likely to have developed due to the fact that both genders faced the same perilous existence, and it would have been disadvantageous to the womenfolk if the culture adopted or developed would have required them to show docility and compassion. Brothers and sisters rarely communicated with each other since they already understood that they were in competition with each other. This also explains why the young females were able to acquire traditionally male traits such as aggressiveness, callousness and arrogance. These traits were valued as they ensured continued survival in the society. However, the community did appreciate the need for continuity, and as such they made temporary peace during marriage ceremonies. Thereafter, the family life was characterized by aggressiveness, callousness and violence (Mead, 2003).

The Tchambuli were influenced by the surrounding cultures, and some degree of acculturation did take place. Their region was sparsely populated; and, the womenfolk did form viable political connections among the communities, and as such, they were the guarantors of peace. Moreover, the menfolk were emasculated by the existing Australian laws which forbade weapon ownership among male members of the Tchambuli tribe. Thus, the task of averting and mitigating conflicts fell on the women, and this extended itself into the family life where the mother ensured that there was harmony in the family. Some degree of acculturation is anticipated as the communities engaged in barter trade. Emotional dependence of the menfolk did arise out of the gap created by the emasculating laws, and only their womenfolk were able to console them. This ensured that the menfolk did not interfere with the family life as it was being managed by the mother (Mead, 2003). This explains why members of the Tchambuli community were peaceful and co-operative.

Reference.

Mead, M. (2003). Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive Societies. New York, HarperCollins Publishers.